From October, 2018

Notes on America’s Water Infrastructure Act of 2018

Some observations about the new law & what it tells us about the politics of water infrastructure in America

Here’s to you, America

The Senate recently passed the America’s Water Infrastructure Act (AWIA) by a 99-1 vote; today President Trump signed it into law. AWIA is pretty slender as federal infrastructure bills go, weighing in at 332 pages and 70,000 words.

What follows are some thoughts about AWIA’s main water infrastructure provisions and what they tell us about the state of water policy and politics in America. This isn’t really a coherent essay or an exhaustive commentary; it’s a series of cursory observations on the bits that strike me as interesting.

What’s new in Title II

Titles I, III, and IV include some important provisions, but much of it is garden-variety authorizations for sundry projects and studies, along with some light regulatory housekeeping. As a careful observer of water policy, the most interesting parts to me come in Title II—Drinking Water System Improvement.

Sections 2014-2015 have received the most public attention, as they include increases in federal grants along with changes to the State Drinking Water Revolving Fund program. Those funds will help with infrastructure investment, but is really a drop in the trillion-dollar bucket of America’s water infrastructure needs. That money will make a splash ahead of the midterm elections (more on that later), but isn’t all that interesting from a policy perspective.

Here’s what I find most intriguing in Title II:

  • Sec. 2001: Indian Reservation Drinking Water. Literally the first section of Title II is a marked expansion of grant programs for tribal drinking water infrastructure—$20 million annually for the next four years.

    Indian Country needs a lot more of this

    That isn’t much in the grand scheme of American infrastructure, but it’s potentially huge for some tribal systems. My research with Mellie Haider & David Switzer has found that tribal facilities lag far behind non-tribal facilities in regulatory compliance, in part because tribes weren’t eligible for the vast federal grants available in the 1970s and 1980s. Sec. 2001 is a step toward correcting that. More generally, it’s fascinating that this program is the very first thing in Title II.* Hopefully this prominent spot in the AWIA presages greater efforts to build tribal drinking water capacity. 

 

  • Sec. 2002: Intractable Water Systems. In substance, Sec. 2002 isn’t terribly exciting—it just funds a study on water systems that consistently fail to meet regulatory requirements. But this section (along with Sec. 2010, discussed below) signals that Uncle Sam is interested in doing something about perennially poor water systems. Of particular interest are the tens of thousands of small utilities that serve fewer than a thousand customers, many of which lack the financial, physical, and human capacity to operate modern drinking water systems.*

 

  • Sec. 2006-7: School lead testing & drinking fountain replacement. Section 2006 authorizes $75 million over three years to support lead testing in school drinking water lines. Sec. 2007 provides $15 million for school drinking fountain replacement. These programs remain voluntary, however, so its effectiveness will depend on local officials participating proactively. Federalism! As with most aspects of national drinking water policy, this only works insofar as local governments make it work.

 

  • Sec. 2010: Ownership provisions. Innocuously named “Additional Considerations for Compliance,” this section empowers state regulators to “require the owner or operator of a public water system to assess consolidation or transfer of ownership… to achieve compliance with national primary drinking water regulations.” This section is aimed at repeat violators of the Safe Drinking Water Act, and although it’s weak in substance—it doesn’t actually require consolidation or change in ownership—it signals something about the potential direction of future water regulation. More frequent consolidation, privatization, and/or public condemnation of failing water systems may be on the horizon.*

What AWIA tells us about the politics of water infrastructure

AWIA provides more evidence that water infrastructure remains an very hot issue at the moment. A 115th Congress that has been historically contentious—it might struggle to pass a resolution that puppies are cute—just passed an infrastructure law with near consensus. The timing is noteworthy, as well: AWIA arrives just in time for midterm elections. Credit-claiming opportunities abound!

Crucially, none of the funding authorized in AWIA will turn into actual water infrastructure until Congress appropriates funds for it. Conveniently for the 115th Congress, the task of appropriating money for all of that water infrastructure will fall to the 116th.

 

 

*Has somebody in Congress been reading my research on tribal facilities, small system human capital, and water utility ownership?

Men, Women, and Water

Gender predicts concern for water utility issues

coliform contamination would make this way less romantic

Do men and women think differently about their water utilities? In a recent post I wrote about some findings from a Texas A&M Institute for Science, Technology & Public Policy (ISTPP) public opinion survey that included questions taken directly from the American Water Works Association (AWWA) State of the Water Industry survey. The ISTPP survey’s sample of nearly 2,000 individuals was carefully crafted to be representative of the US population, and so is a goldmine of public perceptions about water. I’m blogging about interesting findings here as time allows; today I’m looking at gender.

Water & gender

I’ve always been a bit skeptical about the idea that water is a “gendered” issue in the United States. From a purely biological perspective, there’s no reason to expect that men and women think differently about water utility issues. People of all genders need water to drink, cook, and clean; sanitary sewers and stormwater systems protect everyone. There’s a huge body of academic research on gender related to water and sanitation in the developing world, which make sense—in much of the world, women and girls bear the greatest (literal) burden of securing drinking water, and are most vulnerable to poor sanitary conditions. My Texas A&M colleague Kathleen O’Reilly has worked extensively on this issue.

But in most of the US, men and women experience water utilities in more or less the same way. For the most part, American girls aren’t trudging long distances on foot to fetch water, and American women don’t have to use open pit toilets in urban areas.

What women want (from their water utilities)

So it was surprising (to me, at least) to discover a subtle but consistent gender disparity in attitudes toward water issues in our dataset. As noted in my last post, the ISTPP survey asked eleven questions taken directly from the SOTWI. All eleven attitudinal questions are based on a five-point scale: unimportant (1), slightly important (2), important (3), very important (4), and critically important (5). 

Here are the results from the national survey, broken down by gender:

Women reported greater average concern than men across all eleven categories. The greatest disparities were in concern for water loss, climate change, affordability, and conservation. The differences aren’t huge in absolute terms—about a third of a standard deviation in general—but the consistency is striking. The gender effect is in the same direction across-the-board, and the difference is statistically significant in nine of the eleven categories. The gender differences persist in regression analyses that control for partisanship, region, and age.

pretty sure that’s how it went in the movie

Unfortunately, the 2015 SOTWI doesn’t include gender data, so we can’t say much about whether a similar gender gap exists within the water sector.

The Aquatic Gender Gap

I don’t know enough social psychology to know exactly what’s behind the gender gap in American water utility attitudes. But these results offer a potentially powerful clue for politically savvy utility leaders: building support for water systems in American communities probably starts with women.

Water Pros and Regular Joes

How utility people—and everybody else—think about water issues

Where’s your head at?

Each year the American Water Works Association (AWWA) conducts a survey of its members on the State of the Water Industry (SOTWI). The survey seeks to “identify and track significant challenges facing the water industry.” Among other things, the SOTWI survey asks respondents about their perceptions of various water issues, and so broadly gauges attitudes within the water sector.

It’s common for water sector folks to lament that the public doesn’t understand water issues. After several years of responding to SOTWI and reading the results, I wondered: How does the public perceive water issues?  How closely do attitudes within the industry align with those of the general public?

Measuring attitudes

Organizations like Texas A&M’s Institute for Science, Technology & Public Policy (ISTPP) offer a way to answer those questions scientifically. In the summer of 2015 I worked with ISTPP colleagues to deploy a nationally representative mass public survey of attitudes toward energy, agriculture, and environmental issues in the United States. The ISTPP survey yielded nearly 2,000 respondents. As part of the ISTPP survey, we included several items about water policy taken directly from the SOTWI survey. Identical wording and question structure provides an extraordinary opportunity to compare attitudes within the water sector (the “pros”) against attitudes in the general public (the “Joes”).

The SOTWI questionnaire included 34 items; from among these we selected 11 items that directly ask the respondents’ perceptions of water issues such as water resources, capital, and affordability for low-income households. All 11 attitudinal questions are based on a five-point scale: unimportant (1), slightly important (2), important (3), very important (4), and critical (5).

Convergence & divergence

Some interesting patterns emerged. Average values ranged between 3.2 and 4.6 among the Pros, with infrastructure replacement emerging as a clear #1 priority. The general public averaged 3.10-4.11, with long-term supply availability as the top value. Ordinal rankings—that is, which issues were more or less important relative to each other—were fairly consistent between Pros and Joes.

But the really interesting picture emerges when we look at the disparities in average scores across the eleven issue area. This graph shows the difference in average score for Pros minus average for Joes:

The most striking disparities are at the top and bottom of the graph. Water sector respondents perceive infrastructure replacement, regulatory compliance, and source water protection as much more important than does the public. Meanwhile, the public evidently views low-income affordability as significantly more important than does the water sector.

Together, these results offer clues about the areas of relative harmony and dissonance between the American water sector and the American public. Water organizations and utility communications staff should perhaps concentrate on developing effective ways to convey the significance of infrastructure replacement, regulatory compliance, and source water protection.

By the same token, these findings suggest that low-income affordability matters much more to the public Joes than to water sector Pros. It stands to reason that taking affordability seriously can help utility leaders legitimize their own priorities to the public.